我很喜歡電影版的MV。

這首真的是老歌了。可是聽不膩。^^



第三首。

這三首是我最愛的前三名。


張國榮
1956/09/12~2003/04/01

Taiwan's Détente Gamble

Ma Ying-jeou's vision for making peace with China through trade, defense and democracy.

台灣的和解與賭博  與大陸在各方面的PK

By Leslie Hook

Taipei

Taiwan knows better than most countries what it's like to lie in the shadow of a rising China. Just 100 miles off the mainland's coast—where 1,500 missiles stand aimed and ready to fire—the island is home to a vibrant democracy whose 23 million cast their ballots last March for a president promising détente with Beijing.

台灣比世界上大多數的國家好，如果沒有1500枚的飛彈瞄準我們的話。
2008年3月被選出的總統馬英九承諾要和北京和解。

That man is Ma Ying-jeou, a Hong Kong-born, U.S.-educated lawyer belonging to the same Kuomintang that lost the civil war to Mao Zedong's army 60 years ago. Mr. Ma has taken a conciliatory approach to Beijing, playing down the differences (technically each side claims the other is part of its territory) and emphasizing their common culture, while trying to sell his constituents on the benefits of economic opening with China.

馬英九香港出生，在美國受法學教育，屬於國民黨，就是被毛澤東打敗的政權。
相對於前政府，面對中國，馬在政治層面較為和緩〈一個中國、各自表述〉，並強調兩邊文化相同部份，經濟層面也是較為開放。

When I met him at the presidential office last month he had a crisp handshake and dark circles under his eyes—he had been jetting around on Air Force One to stump for KMT candidates in the Dec. 5 local elections. But he brightened when he talked about engaging Beijing. "To defend Taiwan, military means is one of the means we are going to use, and it may not be the most important means. We also depend very much on the soft power of Taiwan to engage the Chinese mainland."

「為了保護台灣，軍事力量只是手段的其中之一，我們更需要倚賴台灣的軟實力和大陸交手。」馬英九談到兩岸關係，興奮的說。

For Mr. Ma, "soft power" has meant direct flights between Beijing and Taipei, direct postal links and cargo shipments, and making it easier for mainland tourists to come visit. Next week delegations from Beijing and Taipei will meet in Taichung, in central Taiwan, for a fourth round of official cross-Strait talks, and they are expected to sign agreements on double-taxation, certification standards, fishing crews, agricultural quarantines and the like. There's a lot to be proud of.

對於馬英九而言，所謂軟實力，就是減少兩岸的貿易阻礙，包含觀光產業。北京和台北的代表團已經有多次官方會談。期盼可以完成租稅協定、並在魚工和農產品限制方面都能互惠。

"I don't know whether you have taken a cross-Strait flight before? No?" he asks with a slight grin. "If you did then you would probably see how convenient it is compared to barely a year and a half ago [when travelers had to stop over in Hong Kong or Macau]. Also everybody feels relaxed, people even on the other side of the Strait. And we'll continue the current state of affairs, easing tension across the Taiwan Strait, and trying to forge a closer relationship in economic and other fields." He's not kidding about the relaxed atmosphere in Taipei—earlier I strolled into the presidential office without even a cursory bag inspection or ID check.

「你沒試過兩岸直航吧？」馬英九笑著問。「假如你試過了，你才能體會這到底有多方便。雙方都覺得輕鬆多了，我們也將持續推動公平且讓兩岸在經濟和其他領域更為密切。」

Mr. Ma has built his diplomacy around what he calls the "three no's"—no unification during his term in office, no pursuit of de jure independence, and no use of force to resolve differences across the Strait. This has been successful in large part because it contrasts with the policies of his predecessor Chen Shui-bian, who fought tooth and nail for Taiwan's acceptance as a regular member of the international community. Mr. Chen's relations with Beijing were full of spats, some petty, some not. At one point he rolled out postmarks promoting Taiwanese membership in the United Nations; Chinese post offices promptly returned any mail bearing those postmarks.

馬英九在外交上主張「三不。」不統一、不法理台獨、不以武力解決兩岸爭議。大體而言是成功的，也為台灣在國際空間上爭取空間，因為陳水扁政府跟中國當局的關係是緊張的。

While the "three no's" have eased tensions significantly, Mr. Ma still grapples with the question of where the relationship is going long-term. "Whether there will be reunification as expected by the mainland side depends very much on what is going to unfold in the next decade. This is a question no one can answer at this stage. But as the president of this country, I believe that the 23 million people of Taiwan want to secure one or two generations of peace and prosperity so that people on either side of the Taiwan Strait can have sufficient time and freedom to understand, to appreciate, and to decide what to do."

「中國期盼在未來十年能夠統一，雙方要持續的互相了解，目前沒有人能夠給答案。身為總統，我相信兩千三百萬的人民希望的是和平、繁榮、充分的時間和自由來相互欣賞了解，進一步的做決定。」馬英九為兩岸長期關係持續努力。

Which is where the U.S. comes in. Mr. Ma's critics charge him with jeopardizing Taiwan's democratic integrity and underestimating the lengths to which the mainland is willing to go to "reclaim" the island. But on one score at least he's clear-eyed on the threats facing Taiwan, particularly as China pumps money into a rapid military buildup. "The relaxed tensions [across the Strait] depend very much on the continued supply of arms from the United States to Taiwan," Mr. Ma explains. "Certainly Taiwan will not feel comfortable to go to a negotiating table without sufficient defense buildup in order to protect the safety of the island."

美國某些人認為馬英九傷害台灣的民主且低估對岸的威脅。但他清楚的知道中國對台灣有軍事上的威脅。「要緩和兩岸的緊張，必須依靠美國在軍事上的支持」「台灣如果沒有足夠的自衛能力，在談判桌上顯然是沒有籌碼的。」馬英九解釋。

Under the terms of the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, the United States is obligated to come to Taiwan's defense if the island is attacked—a scenario that used to dominate threat assessments of the region, but now seems unlikely. With President Obama in the White House, does Mr. Ma ever worry about the U.S. commitment to security in the Asia-Pacific region?

依據1979年的台灣關係法，美國有義務在台灣遭受攻擊時提供保護，但是現在似乎未必可靠。現任美國總統是Obama，馬英九是否需要擔心這個承諾？

He is quick to dismiss any differences, saying that "we feel quite at ease" with Mr. Obama's November visit to the region. "I think his policies toward this part of the world have not deviated from those of the past President of the United States," he explains. "And he also told his [Chinese] host that he would continue to sell arms for the defense to Taiwan."

「我們真的不擔心。」「我想Obama的態度和以往的美國總統都一樣」「而且他也告知中國他會對台持續軍售。」馬英九解釋。

It will soon be clear whether Mr. Obama will deliver on that: Taiwan is waiting for the State Department to notify Congress about a pending arms package that includes Black Hawk helicopters, submarine designs and an upgrade to the Patriot missile defense system—items first announced under the Bush administration in 2001. Mr. Ma seems in no hurry: "They are already in the pipeline. A few years is not unreasonable."

軍售的狀況都在掌握中，馬英九並不擔心。

The more urgent task, as far as Mr. Ma is concerned, is opening up Taiwan's economy to China so that the two sides can strengthen their trade ties—and Taiwanese voters can enjoy the economic benefits of the rapprochement. Mr. Ma's signature project is the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, an all-encompassing treaty that would cover tariff reductions, market access and economic cooperation in areas like intellectual-property enforcement.

有更多迫切的議題，像兩岸經貿更緊密的開放，讓馬英九的支持者可以享受到這些利益。目前正推動ECFA，減免關稅、市場流通、經濟合作、智財權。

The ECFA, as it is known, has proved a tough sell: The opposition Democratic Progressive Party says the deal will "steal" millions of Taiwanese jobs and flood Taiwan with cheap Chinese imports—arguments that resonate deeply in Taiwan's agricultural south. This is part of the reason the Democratic Progressive Party saw solid gains in the Dec. 5 local elections. Their arguments are bolstered by the fact that so far, despite the cross-Strait flights and the new, "relaxed" atmosphere, Taiwan's exports to China have actually fallen as a share of China's total imports this year as compared to last year. That's not necessarily Mr. Ma's fault—demand for Taiwan's exports plummeted during the global financial crisis—but the timing is not helpful politically.

ECFA推動困難，反對黨認為此架構會「偷」百萬台灣人民的工作權，進口部分也會犧牲台灣權益，特別是農產品部分。這也是民進黨在98年12月5日的地方選舉得分的部分原因。儘管兩岸目前看似燈光好、氣氛佳，但台灣出口給大陸的數字相較去年是滑落的。雖然在經融海嘯的背景下，不能都算馬政府的自責分，但分數還是丟掉了。

Mr. Ma is not exactly a free-trader. He boasts that he has maintained all restrictions on agricultural imports and kept Chinese workers out of the country—two key voter concerns. But he understands Taiwan will suffer badly if it doesn't open up. "As the pace of regional economic integration continues to increase, we are afraid that Taiwan might be left in the cold and marginalized."

馬政府並非無條件的自由交易，他主張限制中國農產品進口和中國勞工。在他的理解中，台灣如果不向中國開放就會更糟。「不參與區域經濟，我們會害怕台灣被邊緣化。」

He's on a tight deadline, too. "In our case there is an urgency in the sense that when the Asean-mainland China [free trade agreement] comes into existence [in January] it will affect some of our exports to the mainland," because certain goods from the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian nations will enter China tariff-free. He cites petrochemicals, machinery, auto parts and some textiles as items of particular concern to Taiwan.

不弄ECFA會被邊緣化。

The ECFA is not only about trade with China; Mr. Ma hopes it will solidify trade ties with other countries as well. Taiwan wants to sign free-trade agreements with major economies like the U.S., Japan and Korea, he explains, but can't because "the mainland has always obstructed our efforts to make such an agreement."

馬認為，ECFA並不只限於中國，他希望可以和美、日、韓分別簽訂自由貿易條約，但是中國一直阻礙我們。

Taiwan is also trying to figure out how to benefit from China's growing economy without getting stung by its political system, or flooded with RMB. Mr. Ma says it is important to open up to China in a "very cautious fashion." "We have already allowed mainland business to invest in Taiwan, but only in roughly 100 items or so."

台灣一直想從經濟成長中的中國獲得好處，但未考慮上會在政治上損失什麼和人民幣的流通。馬英九認為對中國開放要「要非常小心」，「我們目前有限制的允許中國商人在台投資。」

In terms of opening the financial sector, he says the two sides have "by and large" agreed to let each other's banks come in, "but under different conditions." The ECFA will contain some provisions to "make sure the financial order in this country will not be disrupted as a result."

ECFA不會讓台灣損失。

He is also confident Taiwan's institutions will prove resilient in the face of any untoward influence from Beijing. "We have more than 70,000 business firms investing on the Chinese mainland, employing millions of Chinese workers. They could have used that to, you know, interfere in our politics or whatever, and so far that's not that prominent. This is a very democratic and transparent society. Anything of that sort would certainly be reported and affect the cross-Strait relations."

馬英九對台灣有信心，可以面對任何來自北京的逆境。只要不在政治上干擾即可。

Ultimately Mr. Ma thinks opening up will develop its own momentum—and repercussions for China. "We have already transformed Taiwan from a poor, agricultural, relatively not-so-free society into a modern economy, with model democracy. And that has tremendous impact on the Chinese mainland, when they are also struggling to have more economic freedom and possibly political freedom."

最後，馬英九說出他的目標和中國的影響。「台灣已經從貧窮、農業變成現代經濟和典型的民主國家了。這將努力往更自由政經環境發展的中國產生巨大的影響。」

Chinese tourists who visit Taiwan are a central part of his vision. "Not everyone is so impressed with the scenery," he begins modestly. "But they are very impressed by the society. It's really a free society. It's a society [where] individuals respect each other's rights and privacy, and the right to freedom of speech, and all that. And they also admire some of our democratic institutions, although sometimes they may feel that it's a little bit chaotic."

中國觀光客來台灣會發覺：「或許風景不怎麼樣，但是卻很自由，大家都互相尊重個人的權利和隱私並且有嘴砲自由權。他們也會讚賞我們的民主制度，雖然有時候會有一點小混亂。」

He sees this as a historic opportunity: "I want to create a situation where the two sides could. . . see which system is better for the Chinese culture, for the Chinese people." It's a dream his counterparts in Beijing don't share: China's leaders are a long way from embracing Taiwan's democratic experiment, and they have proved quick to grasp the potential threat of democratic influence from Taiwan, placing specific restrictions on Chinese tourists who go there.

「我想創造一個環境，讓兩岸可以比較哪一個體系對『中華文化』和『中華人民』比較有利。」他希望中國能擁抱台灣的民主經驗，並且受到台灣民主化的影響。

As with any country grappling with China's rise, the success of engagement will turn on how well Mr. Ma knows China. In Taiwan he is seen as being quite Chinese—he speaks Mandarin better than Taiwanese dialect, for example. But critics say he's too naive about the country he is dealing with. All of the various engagement efforts are, in essence, a bet that Beijing will turn out to be a reliable negotiating partner—a partner that can be trusted to, say, move its missiles away from the coast, or allow the full quota of mainland tourists to leave the country.

馬英九被認為是中國人而非台灣人。在兩岸關係上也被認為是過於天真。

Mr. Ma is open to the idea that both sides have a lot to learn about each other. "The people on the Chinese mainland do not quite understand my policy," he muses as our interview goes into overtime, referring to his "three no's." "Sometimes they don't understand why we don't want unification. I said, well, it's quite obvious that conditions for unification are not ripe. And we don't even know each other that well."

「中國並不了解我的三不政策。」「他們不懂為何我們不想統一，目前並不成熟，而且我們互相也不了解。」

Ms. Hook is an editorial writer for The Wall Street Journal Asia.

原文網址：http://tinyurl.com/y8nbbws

以下是心得感想和自我評論：

第一直覺是馬英九還真敢說，
除非他真的不知道兩岸統一這個選項不是目前的主流。

另外，重點不是有沒有加S。

雖然無法透過統計或其他研究方法，
看出兩岸策略到底在這次地方選舉所造成的影響。

但是統一的確是國民黨保有的選項。
相較於民進黨更是如此。

又，只看到和解而沒有其他策略。

重點是在於，依賴大陸的選擇之外，其他的選擇？
可以提供出來，相信多少可以擺脫有沒有S的新聞點。

EU agree climate pledge that
may boost Copenhagen

EU leaders have so far failed to agree how much aid the bloc will give to developing nations to tackle the effects of global warming.

歐盟的老大們，對於該給發展中國家多少資源來阻止全球暖化這件事「又」卡住了。

On the first day of a two-day summit in Brussels EU leaders had wanted to agree a joint offer of around 6bn euros ($9bn; £5.5bn) over three years.

But analysts say wealthier states are struggling to convince poorer Eastern European countries to contribute.

本來是想提供一筆錢的啦！有錢國家正在說服窮國家一起分攤。

Officials said that consultations would continue overnight.

The BBC's Jonny Dymond in Brussels says there will be some serious arm twisting through the small hours as the EU tries to come up with the pledges.

"We will have a better figure tomorrow than we had tonight," Swedish Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt told a news conference.

"We have [EU] member states with [International Monetary Fund] programmes, with huge deficits. This is on a voluntary basis, and already more than half of the states have provided figures."

「明天會更好。」
「超過一半的成員國針對IMF的巨大赤字正在討論。」Fredrik Reinfeldt說。

'Swift decisions'

The money being sought at the Brussels summit is for a "fast start" contribution to help the world's poorest nations tackle rising sea levels, deforestation, water shortages and other consequences of climate change between 2010 and 2012.

針對氣候暖化所帶來的威脅，一句話：有錢好辦事。

Several wealthy EU states have announced significant contributions, but it is not yet clear what Germany, France and Eastern European nations are ready to contribute.

除了德國、法國和東歐國家，其他幾個有錢成員已經發表準備當好人了。

As the summit got under way, pledges had been made for around 2bn euros.

The largest contributions came from Britain at 883m euros and Sweden - which currently holds the rotating EU presidency - at 765m euros. The Netherlands has pledged 300m euros and Denmark 160m.

The figures are totals spread over three years - 2010-2012.

在未來三年(2010~2012)，英國、 瑞典、荷蘭和丹麥都說要出錢。

President of the European Parliament Jerzy Buzek told EU leaders that "swift, binding, global decisions" were also needed on climate targets.

"I call upon you - put a figure on the table. We demanded this in the European Parliament resolution in November," he said.

「全球正在轉變」「把所有問題攤開來講，在11月的歐洲議會來解決」
歐盟議員Jerzy Buzek告訴各國領袖。

As EU leaders arrived for the summit there was a moment of drama when Greenpeace activists breached the security cordon disguised as an official delegation.

They held up banners reading "EU: Save Copenhagen" before they were moved aside by security guards.

高峰會進行期間，綠色和平組織愛演戲，假扮成官方代表團。
要求：「歐盟：拯救哥本哈根」

(OS：聽說哥本哈根這次高峰會議花很多錢排放很多碳。)

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/8407112.stm

------------------------------------------------------ 

然而同時間，與會的發展中國家(77國集團與中國)也發出這樣的聲音。

『77國集團與中國』小組反對丹麥所提減排草案 

http://news.sina.com.tw/article/20091210/2521314.html

------------------------------------------------------  

重提一次這次會議主要三個長期目標：

1、Targets to curb greenhouse gas emissions, in particular by developed countries。
已開發國家開始減碳。
2、Financial support for mitigation of and adaptation to climate change by developing countries。
補助開發中國家因為減碳所造成的損失。
3、A carbon trading scheme aimed at ending the destruction of the world's forests by 2030。
透過碳交易，停止破壞森林。

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/8398510.stm

------------------------------------------------------  

不過，經濟跟環保的等號之「存在」，是另一個可以思考的面向。
如果願意看遠一點，我想很多答案會不同，
至於要看多遠？
有時候在你們換了位置之前，還沒換腦袋之前，你們都知道的。


另外，

恭讀聖瑪竇福音　11: 16-18
「我要用什麼來比擬這個世代呢？它好像一群坐在大街上的兒童，在對另一些兒童喊叫說：『我們為你們吹笛，你們卻不舞蹈；我們唱哀歌，你們卻不捶胸。』

以上。

人帥真好 VS 人醜吃草
以下為信件往來：

-------------------------------------------

從0分變成20分。
 
訂房成功。態度良好。
幾點到都行。
 
不過，我想：
 
人帥真好、人醜吃草。
 
這個定律還是適用的。
 
畢竟，我訂房成功。

-------------------------------------------

可惡
 
我正好在想
 
小時候說人帥真好
長大後說有錢真好
以後會說年輕真好
老了一定健康真好
死前會想再來真好
 
大家都沿著這樣的定律走
為什麼沒有人現在就看透死前那一刻
還在搞什麼人帥有錢年輕健康呢...
 
哀.再來真好
你的free球...
 
畢竟我勝率還是第一...
雖然訂不到勝安宮跟台鐵團體票><"

-------------------------------------------

可是，
帥的人也會說 有錢真好。
有錢人也會說 健康真好。
年輕人也會說 長大真好。
老骨頭還是說 年輕真好。
 
所以阿！
不論如何這就是軟弱。
 
但是除了嘴砲好玩的成分以外，
我們不是一直在面對這些事嗎？
 
只能不斷的調適。
 
然後活出醜 窮 老 幼稚的價值。
 
你說的：天主造人，樣樣都好。
我們不是看不透，只是不斷軟弱。
 
我還是訂到票了。人帥真好，人醜吃草。共勉之。

-------------------------------------------

但是倒流就不會拉
 
有錢的人就不會說人帥真好
老人也不會說有錢真好
快死的人更不會說年輕真好
 
算一算一個人會活幾十年
再怎樣也該脫離人帥跟有錢的年紀了~
 
但如果真的相信天主,那一個人可以活無限多年
連健康跟年輕都應該要擺脫~
 
要面對的只有一個,"再來一次真好"
沒錯,就如同帥的你講的
活出老醜貴賤等等當下的價值
 
也就如同我活出不敗的價值後
現在開始要活出勝率第一的價值一般...
 
我真辛苦阿...

-------------------------------------------

總之，
可以遺憾。
不要後悔。
 
畢竟我這麼優秀。
 
要把後悔的事情減到最低。
 
就像我的Free球，造成我一輩子的遺憾，你一輩子的後悔。
 
除非你體會到，下一竿是XXX。

-------------------------------------------

靠!!!
 
突然一點後悔跟遺憾都沒有了...
 
人生因此而解惑
 
沒想到XXX可以超越時間與空間
 
這麼的趨近於無限與永恆...
 
我錯了!!!
 
黯然消魂阿...

-------------------------------------------

不過沒有遺憾跟後悔僅止於我的部分
 
畢竟你還是怕了XXX然後出竿了
 
所以出竿後悔的是你
 
被念五年遺憾也是你
 
除非...
 
當初在違例~出竿這短短十秒之間

你體驗到後面是XXX然後再後面是XXX
 
然後那十秒內決定不出竿
 
但畢竟那已經是過去式
 
所以你只能繼續遺憾與後悔
 
我則努力在我勝率第一的部分

-------------------------------------------

我只知道當下當我轉頭，準備回座位上時，
一堆人叫我繼續打的情況下。
 
我不打，
很快就會變成下一個XXX。
 
唉！
只能說為了團體的好處，為了好玩。

我沒有後悔和遺憾。

-------------------------------------------THE END

哈！^^

XXX是為保他人隱私。
不過因為太經典了。
保留。

原來是在講...的歌。

方季韋《怨蒼天變了心》

這首歌很好聽。

齊秦《夜夜夜夜》

媽阿！這歌詞也太悲了吧！一直只以為是好歌而已。

許美靜《遺憾》

詞「有時候」很貼切。

《climb every mountain》

很好，很勵志。一點都沒失戀的感覺。XD

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

以上所以只是為了下面這個感動的求婚鋪梗。
因為失戀都是為了這一刻。
球場求婚很多，但是沒看見這麼女主角這麼意外的，
球員幹的好。
祝幸福。

不過也是第一次聽到用「好啦！」當作回答的。XD
只能說正妹說啥都可愛。

--------------------------------------------------------------------

懷舊時間，搭時光隧道回到92年，去拉拉山：
 

放這張照片的原因是....騎車之意像。XD

總而言之，我在禮拜五晚上先搭客運去中港。
然後找到一個月前寄放在台中的摩托車。
從台中騎了90分鐘到埔里。很爽！
(騎車的時候想開車，開車的時候想騎車。)

但是，這是我這幾年騎車騎得最久最爽的一次。
均速60km以上，涼風真的迎面而來。

霧峰是台中其中往埔里的一個點。
(從國光路開始往東騎，可以騎上省道3號，請參考。)

以上。

這次多了一點時間在旗津區晃了一下，
去了高雄海洋探索館。

其實旗津的海並不漂亮，但是那個味道還是令人歡喜。
看著外海一艘一艘船等著進港，覺得很興奮。

 

高雄海洋探索館值得進去打發一些時間，畢竟有好友在，哪都好玩。

 
 

還有船阿！戰車阿！器械的圖片的製造過程。
圖是在玩鐵沙啦！

之後，地主和地主家人打聽過後，
就去吃一家叫做「萬三海產」。
第一次看到吃海產是現場買餐券直接兌換，像園遊會。
一盤100到150，購買玩餐券後直接去櫃檯兌換。

人越多越划算。
朋友，只是為啥要在海產店吃山豬肉呢？
聽說人最多時候的中午，就像在打仗勒。

我對於吃這件事，沒啥心得。
味道夠重，就可以嚇唬的了我。
但要重的合理。

我喜歡我們看像遠方。
 |


星光隧道已經虛了。唉！但是我在想它在虛掉之前，應該是滿好玩的。出了隧道看到海還是很漂亮的。

有經過風車公園，但是出太陽了。所以...

結論到哪都嫌時間和意志力不夠阿！
也好，這樣才有下次再去的動力。

這次不跳了。
 

去高雄看球，兼旅遊之行。
The End

當你知道在18到24歲的某一天有可能死亡的話，
你是否會更珍惜生命？
在你倒下的前24小時，收到死亡預告的逝紙又會如何？

讀書會時被介紹到原著漫畫《死亡預告》，
所以去租了電影。

看完之後，對於這電影編的主題曲的詞曲反而最有感觸。

如果你無法掌握你的生命何時結束，
也許對於有限的選擇是可悲的。
但此時也可能有真正的自由。

跟大家分享。
加油。
好好聽一次吧！

捷徑指向他人網誌：附歌詞。
http://www.wretch.cc/blog/trackback.php?blog_id=lyo1014&article_id=23264797

981026
還不到寫感想，只是看到書上的問題想試著回答。
這是解放兒童組織第一次受邀到大學演講，被大一生問的問題。當時組織裡的小孩第一次遇到大學生的提問，無法立刻回答，所以回去找資料，在藉由回信給予答案。不久，獲得了第二次邀請的機會。
最近很想寫一些學術性的文字。
我看了一下，如果是我，在思考過兩個小時會這樣做答。

問題：
你們有什麼權利到這些國家去，告訴他們應該怎麼做？這樣不就是從富有國家來的白人帝國主義，指導第三世界的人該如何養育她們的孩子嗎？

回答：
我認為問題的因果關係要先搞清楚，才有回答的可能，不然會犯邏輯上的謬誤。如果問題本身的開始，白人帝國主義怎麼會發生在Craig試著喚醒或是給予童工選擇的機會呢？白人帝國主義的主要實踐手段不正是世界工廠的產生？不斷的找尋廉價的勞動力，利用剝削勞工降低成本來滿足資本主義的生產鏈。只是從本國工廠開始逐漸移動到東南亞而已。所以，問題本身有問題。Craig更是想提供童工從自為階級到自覺階級的可能性而已，這個動作不一定非要由童工或本國人來執行吧？也許會對資本主義的根本產生衝擊，但是這個根本是有毀滅性和崩解的可能。雖然我認為崩解不是壞事。

以上。

981105
閱讀約一半。我可以開始理解西方世界近年來開始思考民主制度與精英政治的利與弊了。許多國家資源都因民主制度耗損，而且民眾生活也沒有因此改善。無論是人還是制度的問題，的確值得思考。

童工的確是需要教育，而此教育除了基本知識之外，當然要有自覺脈絡的可能。
國家也應了解，這些可是未來的競爭力。不應該甘願淪為西方世界的工廠，造成惡性循環。

Blessed Teresa of Calcutta：我們無法在生命中成就大事，我們只能以大愛做做小事。

以上。

特此記一下，我真是山路騎到死。 
-----------------------------------------------------------------------

目的地是「合歡山北峰」。
台北出發→中山高→國道六號→埔里→霧社
→清境→合歡山。

其實都已經開發的很完整了！
只要願意爬，都可以慢慢爬到山頂。
應該是百岳裡面最容易爬的吧？
  
 
 
  
除了漂亮。
每一次爬山對我而言，都讓我有不小的成就感。
站在山上看了風景、享受涼風是最棒的獎品。
回到山下休息時，總覺得完成了一件大事。

每次跟小灰出來，就算有心理準備，
但還是會有意外中的意外的驚喜。
每個小灰都好像強獸人一樣，不覺得有什麼是該走的路XD
這樣也好，才好玩。也總是帶給我好的經驗。

比較少人知道合歡山北峰還有這湖吧！因為他不在路上。

   
 
不過老實說，不是很美....
但是像個強獸人一樣的爬上爬下，就是一個很特別的經驗。

海拔最高的停車場，身為觀光客的我，是該停下來一下。

 

還有莫那魯道
 
 
 

每地一跳
 

最後，和小灰一起在山上的彌撒真的是很棒阿！
 

 

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

對魚池鄉印象最深的不是日月潭，
而是大一升大二暑假去當志工的回憶。

重要的人生轉戾點。

第一次為了帶營隊離家兩個禮拜，
在組合屋的環境中大魚大肉XD

知道這邊的小朋友沒有唸書的環境，
五、六年級不會九九乘法。
三、四年級不會兩位數以上的加法。
只是想表達什麼叫做階層的落差....

因為沒有課表都是自由發揮，
所以每一次喝飲料都會把飲料罐好好的留下，
搞不好美勞課用得到。

經驗到人與人之間的感情與熱情，
那邊的家長深怕苦到我們，
一去的時候就先道歉，然後提供了一箱泡麵，
可是每次一吃之後，換來都是更豐盛的食物。唉！
他們吃的總是比我們差...
把最好的都留給我們了。

跟社團的夥伴們，也因為團體生活更認識。
是我第一次體驗團體生活的美好經驗。

組合屋睡兩個禮拜也許還好，
但當你要住兩年呢？

對於小朋友，我有太多的心疼與想念
不過跟多數的大哥哥大姐姐一樣，
當營隊結束，人與人之間彷彿就畫下了句點。
不過凡走過必留下痕跡。
相信彼此一定留下了些什麼。希望是好的。

 
那條光碟項鍊...

 
中間那個小孩，頗粘我。

 
啥都可以拿來作美勞。

 
 

大學問我參加什麼社團？
SMART社。中文：卓越人才培訓社。
那是幹啥？
一個好像是歸類在學術性社團的吃喝玩樂社XD

___________________________________________

這是98年生日時去的魚池...
就是個死觀光客。

 

 
 

___________________________________________________________

 
這是埔里的天空！

難忘的生日，就這樣毫無預備的衝向埔里。
(XD 本來是要爬聖母山莊的哩！然後改去女巫店玩桌遊
 結果晚上九點多時，我踩在埔里的土地上！)
好吧！也許是這樣樣，所以好玩。

去了暨南大學，我覺得入口好像賽車場！
 

這邊有隻可愛的小黑！
 
好吧！是兩隻。

 

再來是埔里紙教堂！
進去一次，門票50元，但可以抵購物。

 
 

又到了每地一跳的時候啦！
 

還真是，好山好水勒！
埔里酒廠的話，熱門到我不用我介紹啦！

現在的我，比較不喜歡這個想法，因為此理論對於人的選擇是比較悲觀的。
何況此理論無法合理的解釋社會變遷，雖然此派一直對於此點頗有意見，
認為社會會自然的在順暢的功能下有變遷的機會，也並不反對。
的確，這真的是較為反動的思想，要變遷又要維持功能。是矛盾了點。

偏巨觀和微觀間又較偏巨觀XD的社會學理論。

符號互動論：
前兩個理論都從社會影響人的層面開始，體現社會學中的社會存在。
只是缺乏了從人出發的觀點。
認為「人」才是組成社會基本元素，要從人開始做研究。
所以符號是個好媒介，解釋一下符號這個東西。
紅綠燈、交通號誌、OK手勢都算是符號，因為這些符號形成社會。
所以要搞懂社會得搞懂符號，搞懂弄出符號的人。
缺點呢？無法搞大，無法解釋社會變遷或是生活方式的改變。
對於巨觀社會學理論而言，缺乏改善社會的理想性。

微觀的社會學理論。

是這樣嗎？

老媽那時問：出來做什麼？
我現在說：做讓社會幸福的選擇。
關於賺錢這玩意，我還是會努力的。
好好存。

有空來講後殖民好了。

總之，那是高雄違規照相排行榜第一啦！(公園路右轉五福陸橋)
請一切小心。

高雄主教座堂。
請參考。

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